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Indonesia-Brazil: From Commodity Partners to Strategic Growth Allies

Oleh: Teguh Anantawikrama, Founder and Chairman of the Indonesian Tourism Investor Club and Vice Chairman of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce

Indonesia-Brazil: From Commodity Partners to Strategic Growth Allies Kredit Foto: Sekretariat Presiden
Warta Ekonomi, Jakarta -

In a world shifting under the weight of economic re-balancing, climate urgency and geopolitical realignments, the relationship between Indonesia and Brazil offers a compelling blueprint for how two middle-power nations can lift themselves — and their partners — to a higher plane of mutual benefit.

With bilateral goods trade now exceeding US$6 billion annually, the question is no longer whether Indonesia and Brazil should deepen their linkage, but how we do so in a way that is forward-looking, resilient and generative.

1. From trade today to value-added tomorrow

Today, Indonesia imports heavily from Brazil: soy-meal, sugar & ethanol, meat products. Brazil draws from Indonesia goods such as palm-oil derivatives, rubber and manufactured components. This trade is meaningful but still largely commodity-driven — and hence vulnerable to price swings, low margins, and limited domestic value capture.

For Indonesia, the opportunity lies in moving up the value chain:

  • refining and packaging Brazilian-soymeal and distributing it across ASEAN, rather than simply importing it.
  • building joint bio-ethanol/biodiesel plants, pairing Brazil’s tropical feedstock expertise with Indonesia’s mandated B series blending programmes.
  • leap-frogging in digital infrastructure, logistics and traceability so that Indonesian exports (palm, rubber, nickel) are “Brazil-ready” when they enter Mercosur or other Latin American markets.
  • For Brazil, the opportunity is the mirror:
    • tapping into Indonesia’s archipelagic logistics experience, modular mid-scale processing hubs, and domestic demand surge.
    • leveraging Indonesia’s ASEAN gateway to move Brazilian processed agri-goods into Southeast Asia.
    • cooperating on nickel/EV battery precursors: Brazil as upstream source, Indonesia as conversion hub, ASEAN as manufacturing base.

2. Indonesia’s role as middle-power multiplier

As a nation sitting at the crossroads of Indo-Pacific dynamics, Indonesia has the potential to be a strategic broker rather than just a passive participant. Here’s how:

  • Trade & investment capacity: Indonesia must actively channel its state-investors (Sovereign Wealth Funds, BUMN, development banks) into strategic co-investments with Brazilian public/private partners (in biofuels, agri-infra, EV materials). That means creating platform vehicles, setting KPIs around upstream value capture and exports, and thinking beyond “trade” to “mutual supply-chain creation.”
  • Infrastructure & connectivity leadership: Indonesia’s archipelago has taught the hard lesson of logistics fragmentation. By building best-practice sustainable port/rail/IT frameworks and sharing these models with Brazil (and vice-versa), Indonesia builds intellectual capital, exportable services, and strengthens its position as a middle-power bridging continents.
  • Rule-setting & norms leadership: Indonesia should lean into BRICS, G20, ASEAN and other multilateral fora to champion standards around sustainable commodities, hal-al supply chains, digital trade, and traceability. By doing so, Indonesia signals: “We are not only a recipient of global rules; we help shape them.” Brazil likewise is rising in global institutional importance — and the two together can lift global South-South cooperation.
  • Peace-keeping and multipolar credibility: Middle powers matter not only in trade, but in global governance. Indonesia’s role as a major UN troop-contributor and its tradition of non-aligned diplomacy give it credibility to broker or support frameworks for food security, climate resilience and logistics in the Global South. Brazil too. Together they can form a model “South–South coalition” beyond pure commerce.

3. Strategic imperatives for the next five years

  • Set a bilateral trade and investment target: say US$10–12 billion by 2030, with at least US$3-4 billion in joint projects (not just trade flows).
  • Launch an “Indonesia–Brazil Strategic Supply-Chain Initiative”: co-invest in three anchor projects (biofuels, EV precursors, halal meat/processing) with jointly-owned special purpose vehicles, each open to third-party investors across Global South.
  • Mutual-recognition frameworks: Work toward mutual recognition of halal certification, e-certification of SPS (sanitary & phytosanitary) measures, and harmonised digital trade standards — reducing transaction costs and opening new value-chains.
  • Logistics & payments innovation: Promote direct shipping lines (Brazil-Indonesia), local-currency or SDR-denominated settlement mechanisms, and digital trade-financing platforms linking Indonesian & Brazilian banks/fintechs.
  • Institutional dialogue: Annual Indonesia–Brazil business forums, with side-by-side government-business delegations alternating Jakarta and Brasilia; a joint “roadmap” updated every year by a high-level joint committee.
  • Narrative leadership: Position Indonesia (and Brazil) as models of “southern industrialising powers” that manage commodities, manufacturing and services simultaneously — rather than move from “commodity exporter” to “off-shored factory” only.

4. Risks & mitigation

  • Over-dependence on raw-commodity exports → we must avoid lock-in by focusing on refining and value-added.
  • Regulatory mismatch / policy instability → mitigate by early agreement on harmonised frameworks and mutual-recognition.
  • Logistics & geographic fragmentation (Indonesia’s islands, Brazil’s inland distances) → partner with global logistic players and deploy digital-traceability.
  • Environmental & social risks (deforestation, labour standards) → adopt high-transparency, build certified chains, lean into sustainability as competitive advantage, not cost-adder.

5. Closing thoughts

Indonesia and Brazil are not “just trading partners”; they are potential architects of a newer South–South economic architecture — one that prioritises co-creation instead of one-way dependency, builds manufacturing and services as well as raw exports, and anchors global governance not only in the North–South axis but in the resilient, ambitious Global South.

If Indonesia plays its middle-power hand wisely — as broker, investor, standard-setter and connector — then the next decade between Jakarta and Brasília can be defined not simply by “US$ X billion of trade,” but by shared value creation, stronger supply chains, and deeper strategic alignment. In a world where the rules of trade and power are being rewritten, let us choose to lead — not just follow.

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Editor: Amry Nur Hidayat

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